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SUMMARY OF EVENTS IN LESOTHO Volume 3, Number 1 (First Quarter 1996) |
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Summary of events in Lesotho is a quarterly publication compiled and published by David Ambrose since 1993 at the National University of |
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SUMMARY OF EVENTS IN LESOTHO Volume 4, Number 1 (First Quarter 1997) |
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Summary of events in Lesotho is a quarterly publication compiled and published by David Ambrose since 1993 at the National University of Lesotho, P. O. Roma 180, Lesotho. |
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One of the very first of Radio Lesotho’s announcers, Matsepe Massa, died in hospital on 31 December 1996, after having been found injured after an assault. Massa, who shared his surname with one of the earliest builders in Maseru, was also known familiarly as ‘Buta’ or ‘Tape Measure’, this last being a nom de football, a praise name he had received from early years of prowess on the football field. ‘Buda’ Matsepe Massa, as he always announced his name over the air, began work when Radio Lesotho began two half-hour broadcasts daily over the Catholic Radio Network in September 1964. He was well known for his story-telling, reading of books over the air, cracking jokes, and arranging musical programmes. In January, Lesotho Radio and Television suffered further shocks. An off-duty television cameraman, Pastor Mpela, was shot dead. Another well-known announcer, Tumisang Mokoai was shot in the leg, but survived and was soon back on the air. <<<back to top New Vice-Chancellor Assumes OfficeA new Vice-Chancellor, Ishmael Maboee Moletsane, finally took office at the National University of Lesotho on 2 January. His appointment followed a long and controversial search process, which had left the University without a substantive Vice-Chancellor for over a year. Professor Moletsane, a former student of the University of Botswana, Lesotho & Swaziland (the predecessor of NUL), had earlier also been on the staff of the University, where by 1976 he had risen to become Dean of the Faculty of Education. Subsequently he had worked as Professor of Education in the University of Transkei and at the Qwaqwa Campus of the University of the North. A formal installation of the new Vice-Chancellor was held at the Roma campus on 21 March. <<<back to top Lesotho Today ClosesThe English-language government newspaper, Lesotho Today, closed early in January. This was apparently as a result of a decision by the new Minister of Information & Broadcasting, Mr. Monyane Moleleki, who had only been in his post for a month. In an interview printed in the last issue of Lesotho Today on 9 January, the Minister stated ‘that more attention would now be diverted to the electronic media, which he said most Basotho have access to and does [sic] not require literacy’. It was also indicated that whereas the Sesotho newspaper, Lentsoe la Basotho would continue for the time being, its days were also numbered. The Minister said that the closing of Lesotho Today ‘was part of a wider restructuring of the Ministry from which would emerge the Lesotho Broadcasting Corporation’. The ending of English-language publishing by the Ministry of Information was the end of an era, which had begun in 1962 with Basutoland Newsletter. Successors had been Basutoland Times (1963-4), Lesotho Times (1964-9), Koena News (1969-74), Mochochonono: the Comet (1974-7), Lesotho Weekly (1977-85), Mochochonono: the Comet (again, 1985-6) and finally Lesotho Today (1986-97), the first issue of which had appeared shortly after the Military Coup of 1986. With the exception of Koena News which had been a daily mimeographed news sheet, all government newspapers had been weekly. For most of the time the Ministry had sponsored separate Sesotho and English newspapers, but for a while the newspaper Mochochonono: the Comet had combined both languages in a single newspaper. A statement on 11 February, announced that the women’s magazine Shoeshoe had also been closed down. Although irregular in appearance, and at best quarterly in recent years, its most recent issues had appeared in an attractive coloured magazine format in Sesotho, and sometimes with a companion English edition. <<<back to top Sequel to Police Deaths Results in National CrisisOn 31 October 1995, three senior policemen had been shot dead and others injured in an incident in Maseru Central Charge Office. Over a year later, in November 1996, the Prime Minister had presented to Parliament a summary of the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the incident, this Inquiry having been carried out by a South African judge, Mr. Justice G. P. C. Kotze. It was common knowledge that the police involved in the shooting had been from a special operations unit stationed at the Police Training College, and in January 1997, 14 months after the incident, an attempt was made to arrest eight policemen and to charge them. The attempt failed because the police in question ensured that they were so heavily armed that an arrest would not have been possible without a gun fight. The group of wanted policemen later issued a statement through Second Lieutenant Phakiso Molise, who according to The Mirror of 22 January is the first accused. In a meeting in which the wanted policemen were heavily armed, and at which the Commissioner of Police, Major-General Bolutu Makoaba was present, the wanted policemen rejected the findings of the one-man Commission, which was said to ‘contain a lot of lies’. The meeting achieved very little, with the only point of agreement seeming to be that there was a great deal of tension within the police force and a lot of blood had been shed. Vague references were made in the newspaper report to other incidents since 1994 in which police had been killed (presumably by fellow policemen). Meanwhile an article ‘Qhang -qhang ea maponesa’ (‘Disruption of the police force’) in Moafrika of 31 January 1996 suggested that the majority of the rank and file of the police were supporting the eight policemen for whom arrest warrants were out. Presumably, the members of the police force, who had often acted as if they were above the law, did not want a precedent set so that they would become accountable. Following the meeting of the Police Commissioner with the eight police, tension in the police force increased when a policeman, Thabang Nthako, was shot dead and his wife injured while at home in the Maseru suburb of Khubetsoana on 31 January. According to Second Lieutenant Molise he was a policeman from his group, and the perpetrators of the incident arrived in a government vehicle. Following the incident a group of 10 persons, said to be members of the Lesotho Liberation Army, were arrested by the police and held at the Maseru Central Charge Office. A major escalation occurred on Thursday 6 February, which resulted in the police dispute becoming a national crisis. The eight policemen who were wanted on murder charges, together with supporters, took over the Maseru Police Headquarters Building. They forced the Deputy Commissioner of Police and his two immediate subordinates to sign declarations that they had resigned, after which they were sent home in civilian clothes. They also announced that the Commissioner of Police, Major-General Bolutu Makoaba, who was attending a meeting in Botswana, should, on his return to Lesotho, arrive in civilian clothes, and go straight home. The taking over of the Police Headquarters apparently took place without bloodshed, but on the evening of the same day, residents of the nearby Maseru suburb of Thibella heard shots coming from the direction of the building. Subsequently it appeared that these must have been warning shots coming from the mutinous police and their supporters, who wanted it to be known that they were in charge. By Friday, the police mutineers were announcing that they had chosen as their own new Commissioner of Police, Colonel Makalo Mokhohlane and as Deputy Commissioner, Colonel Tlali Monyeke. When the real Commissioner of Police arrived back from Botswana, he stayed initially for a night in Ladybrand, and on the Saturday, he made a statement on Radio Lesotho that the mutinous police should come and take any uniform and government equipment that was in his possession. This was generally interpreted to mean that he had resigned like the other senior police. However, it appeared on Monday 10 February that the Commissioner of Police, Major-General Bolutu Makoaba, had had a change of heart over the weekend. He announced on Radio Lesotho that he was still in full command of the police. Moreover it was announced that there had been a meeting of senior officers of the Royal Lesotho Mounted Police at the Police Training College at which they stated that they supported Major-General Makoaba, and that no illegal appointments by the rebel police should enjoy any support, and that the senior officers removed the previous week should come back to work immediately. A statement was also made by the Commander of the Defence Force, Major-General Mosakeng. It expressed concern about events and the need for discussions, and stated that the vehicles taken by the rebel police should be returned. Meanwhile the eight police had been trying their luck at the High Court. Although not willing to appear in person and thereby risk arrest, they had instructed their counsel, Hae Phoofolo, to obtain a ruling to the effect that their indictment on murder charges was null and void. This was dismissed on Tuesday 11 February by Mr. Justice Ramolibeli, with costs being awarded against the applicants. A Mediation Group had in the meantime been set up, Chaired by the Catholic Archbishop, His Grace Bernard Mohlalisi, and with representatives of churches, political parties and NGOs. It appeared to be having little success. News about what was going on was only being selectively made available by Radio Lesotho, which took more than 24 hours even to admit that a serious crisis had occurred after the Thursday take-over of the police headquarters. The BBC and the South African Sesotho station Leseli FM, through their Maseru correspondent Candi Ramainoane (also editor of Moafrika) had the news much sooner, and Leseli FM in particular carried constant news of developments in its early morning programme Matšohlo and its evening programme Tsa kajeno ho kajeno, both of which enjoy a wide listenership in Lesotho. The Radio Lesotho morning phone-in programme Seboping did however allow various actors in the drama to speak including Phakiso Molise himself and also Major-General Makoaba. Molise said on Seboping that his group was not going to surrender, because the justice system of Lesotho would result in their being held in gaol for a long period before they could express themselves in Court (a not unreasonable comment given the typically four year backlog in the hearing of murder cases). Moreover he said that whereas other countries might be different, in Lesotho the dismissal of senior officers by junior members of the force was not unusual, an obvious reference to previous incidents in the Defence Force and amongst prison officers and officers of the National Security Service, all of whom had taken similar action in the past, and with considerable success. In the tense situation, there was a natural tendency to associate any unusual event with the police rebellion. 14 South African illegal immigrants were found by police in a house in the Maseru suburb of Ha Tšiu, and there was a suspicion that they might be mercenaries. It was stated, rather implausibly, that they were in fact smugglers of marijuana. Why there should be 14 in one place, far from marijuana smuggling routes, was not explained. Meanwhile, rumours said that they were commandos of the former Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA), and that the Deputy Prime Minister was implicated in bringing them to Lesotho. On 12 February, there were no obvious further developments, but Major-General Makoaba announced the closing of the Police Training College until the crisis was over. A statement by the Deputy Prime-Minister, Pakalitha Mosisili, who is also Minister responsible for the police force, stated that no-one was above the law including the eight police officers. ‘Government did not rule out the use of the Lesotho Defence Force if mutinous members of the police did not immediately comply with the law.’ Moreover Radio Lesotho reported that Major-Generals Bolutu Makoaba and Makhula Mosakeng (of the RLMP and LDF respectively) were ‘locked’ in discussions. Meanwhile from 13 February, the whole police force suspended operations, and was effectively on strike, with police stations being closed to the public. The Defence Force took over some police duties, and there were army patrols on the streets of Maseru, and long delays at border posts as members of the army searched vehicles for arms. Various reports stated that police were coming from the districts to join the police mutineers, and that the supporters of the mutineers were not less than 400 police. On Sunday 16 February, at about 4.30 a. m., units of the Defence Force surrounded the Police Headquarters, the Maseru Central Police Charge Office and the Police Training College. It is not surprising that the mutinous police seem to have been aware of what was to happen. For example, in one family, a brother (who was in the Defence Force) warned his sister (who was in the police) not to report for work on the Sunday, and such close relationships must have ensured that any major Defence Force operation was hardly likely to be secret. As a result, it seems that Second Lieutenant Phakiso Molise, made sure that he and some of his immediate followers were not in the buildings which were surrounded. Molise had, however, been in the Police Headquarters Building at 6 p. m. the previous evening when he had been interviewed by Candi Ramainoane for South African Television. Small arms fire was heard from the vicinity of the Police Headquarters and the Police Training College from 6.30 a. m. onwards, and at about 9 a. m. there was a massive explosion at or near the building. Radio South Africa in a 11 a. m. news bulletin said that the building had been shelled from the nearby hill. By mid-morning, uncharacteristically keeping abreast of events, Radio Lesotho was announcing that the Police Headquarters and the Maseru Central Charge Office had been taken by the Defence Force, under the command of Major-General Makhula Mosakeng. 70 police had surrendered, and there had been no casualties on either side. Moreover, it was said that the centre of Maseru was now safe. Despite reports of no casualties, eye-witnesses had reported seeing an ambulance travelling at high speed towards the Makoanyane Military Hospital. It later emerged that two policemen had been injured in the action, but there were no fatalities, although a policeman, Sergeant Senekane, had been shot dead the day before while on his way to work from the Maseru suburb of Thamae. The Radio Lesotho report, which stated all was now calm, neglected to say that even as late as 11.30 a. m., considerable gunfire could still be heard in the vicinity of the Mabote Police Station in the north-eastern suburbs. This appears to have surrendered shortly afterwards. Meanwhile, it had emerged that the leader of the police mutineers, Phakiso Molise, and 33 of his followers, were in fact in the Royal Palace, where they were seeking the intervention of the King on their side. The King in fact did, on behalf of Molise, apparently attempt to obtain an assurance that if he gave himself up, he would not be tortured. After various assurances, the police mutineers at the Palace surrendered, that is, all of them except Molise and Sergeant Thabang Makateng, who by this time were nowhere to be found. As a result, the King found himself at the receiving end of allegations that he had helped Molise to escape. On the following day, Monday, the Prime Minister, Ntsu Mokhehle, in a strongly worded statement said that the ‘Palace has been turned into a place for outlaws to hide in’. By Monday, Major-General Bolutu Makoaba stated that he was again fully in charge of the police, and also stated that 18 policemen had been arrested. Moreover, he indicated that there would be an investigation into the whole police force to investigate the loyalty of individual members. By 6 March, 30 police in total were in custody, charged with murder, sedition or contravention of the Internal Security Act. The role of the King remained controversial, and on the following Wednesday, he announced he was going to South Africa for a ‘routine medical check-up’. The Government, reluctant to allow him to travel alone, sent the Minister of Education, Lesao Lehohla, to accompany him. The King, as some predicted, went to see President Mandela. No account of what transpired was released to the public or apparently even to the Prime Minister, but it appears that the King wanted it known that he had not in fact himself seen Phakiso Molise. Molise had got no further than seeing his private secretary. Meanwhile, the Deputy Prime Minister, Pakalitha Mosisili, also arrived in South Africa and met Nelson Mandela, while two of Lesotho’s Principal Chiefs, Khoabane Theko and Lerotholi Leshoboro arrived independently and had a meeting with the South African Foreign Minister, Alfred Nzo. In a pointed reference, the Lesotho Deputy Prime Minister in a statement over the air, mentioned that the last time that Phakiso Molise had been seen, he had been with Khoabane Theko, the Principal Chief of Thaba-Bosiu. Despite all this action, there was at first no further hard information as to where Phakiso Molise was hiding. His name and description had, however, been provided to Interpol. By 8 March, however, information was emerging that 2nd Lieutenant Molise and Sergeant Makateng were in Pretoria hoping to get political asylum, and thus avoid being repatriated as fugitive offenders under the Extradition Treaty between Lesotho and South Africa. On 17 March, Phakiso Molise was interviewed by Robin White on the BBC Focus of Africa programme. Molise, who was apparently in Johannesburg, urged the Lesotho government to agree to negotiations with him or to release the detained police. If the Government did not meet his demands, then he would ‘spill the beans’. It was not specified what this meant, but there was speculation that during the time that he and his followers had taken over the police headquarters, there had been ample time to gain access to police files, including dockets on cases where there was ample evidence to initiate proceedings, but where the police had apparently not done so for political reasons. Amongst cases where it was believed that the police had enough information for charges to be laid was the murder of the BCP politician and businessman, Victor Moloi in December 1992. This was so far an unsolved crime but the murder was believed by some to have been the work of a political rival. <<<back to top Dissension in the Ruling PartyBy a High Court judgment on 25 November 1996, Mr. Justice Gabriel Mofolo had charged the National Executive Committee of the ruling Basutoland Congress Party with the responsibility of reconvening the 1995 Annual Party Conference, and the holding of new NEC elections. This NEC (under Deputy Leader of the Party, Molapo Qhobela) had been the NEC of 1994-5. Its members had been elected at the 1994 Annual Conference, and it was still in office, as confirmed by the High Court, which had ruled that the 1995 Conference and the NEC elections (which had already been delayed by a number of events including the death of the King until March 1996) had been irregularly conducted. In practice, the party had by now long become polarised into two factions, the Maporesha (a Sesotho rendering of ‘Pressure Group’) who supported the 1994-5 NEC under Molapo Qhobela; and the Majelathoko (literally ‘those who eat apart’), who supported the Prime Minister’s brother, Shakhane Mokhehle. Shakhane Mokhehle, had been the General Secretary of the Party before the 1994 Annual Conference, and in the now discredited and legally annulled voting of March 1996 had appeared to have regained the position by a slender majority. A year earlier, at the 1994 Annual Conference, delegates had had so little confidence in Shakhane Mokhehle that it had elected G. M. Kolisang to replace him. Kolisang, who had not even been present when the voting took place, had been the party’s long-serving General Secretary in the 1960s and since the mid-1970s has been a practising lawyer. The severe difficulty that the party now found itself in was that whereas the NEC was legally in charge of the affairs of the party, it was (at least in its relations with the Prime Minister) otherwise in the wilderness, its former cabinet members having either been dismissed or having resigned during 1996. The High Court judgment was refined early in January by a supplementary ruling that the NEC had until 24 January 1997 to hold the Party Conference, failing which the Prime Minister should arrange for it to be held by 7 February. The Prime Minister was in fact a member of this legally recognised NEC, but in practice was no longer on friendly terms with its members, and did not attend meetings which were called. The members of the legally recognised NEC by early January had, with the Court’s support, gained control of most of the Party’s property. The party weekly newspaper, Makatolle, however, remained in the control of the Majelathoko faction until, by Court Order, printers were forbidden to print it. A single issue appeared early in January before this Order, following which a Pressure Group Makatolle replaced it, and succeeded in producing two issues before the Conference date of 24 January. Meanwhile, Radio Lesotho, to which the Maporesha had no access, broadcast a statement from the Minister of Information about elements using party divisions to destabilise the country by approaching diplomatic missions and SADCC Heads of State. The statement was short on specifics, but it seems that it may have been prompted by the legally recognised NEC making soundings in relation to the possibility of friendly countries sending observers to the Annual Conference to certify that the elections were held fairly. On 23 January, the Deputy Prime Minister, Pakalitha Mosisili, brought an urgent action before the High Court to prevent the holding of the Annual Conference. It was heard before Mr. Justice Lehohla, who was apparently the duty judge during the High Court Vacation. Mr. Lehohla gave both parties until 27 January to present affidavits, but had not by 24 January overruled the decision of his brother judge. Nevertheless, those organising the conference were beset by difficulties, particularly since Radio Lesotho gave the impression that the Conference had been abandoned because the Deputy Prime Minister had requested it. Despite this and despite the Minister of Agriculture trying to have the money for booking the venue refunded, because the Cooperative College fell under him, the Conference nevertheless did begin on Friday 24 January at the Cooperative College. Tight security was maintained jointly by former members of the Lesotho Liberation Army and the private firm, Eagle Security. Over 500 delegates attended and there were representatives from 51 of Lesotho’s 65 constituencies. Relatively few known supporters of the Majelathoko faction were present, and it was boycotted by all of their known 35 or so Parliamentary supporters. By decision of the Conference, the outgoing General-Secretary, G. M. Kolisang, summarised his rather lengthy report (it had in any case been published in the newspapers during the past year), but the Treasurer’s Report was read in full. Reports from individual constituencies were also presented. A Committee was elected to oversee the elections for the new National Executive Committee, and on the Friday evening the elections were indeed held. On the Saturday, the outgoing NEC, replied to points raised by constituencies, and on Saturday evening the results of the elections were announced. Molapo Qhobela was returned as Deputy Leader with hardly a dissentient vote from the 500 delegates, while G. M. Kolisang was returned as General Secretary by a similarly overwhelming vote, other nominated persons for the position such as Shakhane Mokhehle and Monyane Moleleki hardly being able to raise 10 votes. In general, the outgoing National Executive Committee was re-elected, but there were a few changes. Mohaila Mohale, who had been editor of Makatolle, but who had recently accepted a cabinet position as Minister of Works, was replaced as editor by Pelesana Mofelehetsi. Another who failed to be re-elected was the veteran politician ‘Whitehead’ (from his shock of white hair) Mahosi. The Deputy Prime Minister, Pakalitha Mosisili, was not even nominated as Deputy Leader, since it was found that his membership of the constituency committee had been too short for him to qualify for nomination under the party constitution. Following the conference, the Majelathoko faction of the party attempted to have the conference ruled null and void. Justice Mofolo said in the High Court that he would give his ruling on this on 14 February. There was concern in the press (for example Moafrika of 7 February) that the independence of the judiciary was in jeopardy, and that Mofolo would not give an impartial judgment. It was known that the Prime Minister had called in Chief Justice Kheola, and expressed his dissatisfaction with the judgment of Mr. Justice Mofolo. Moreover, as Moafrika reported, and as was well known through the grape vine, there had been attacks on Mr. Justice Mofolo’s property, and in particular his motor vehicles and livestock. Meanwhile, the Majelathoko faction had regained the right to publish their own edition of Makatolle, and readers now had the choice of two editions of the newspaper on sale, each denouncing those who were praised in the other edition. In general appearance, the two editions were almost identical, even though the Majelathoko paper was printed by Epic Printers and the Maporesha paper at Mazenod Printing Works. One distinguishing feature was that the party leader, Ntsu Mokhehle was called moetapele in the Majelathoko edition and moetellipele in the Maporesha edition. Although both words mean ‘leader’ in Sesotho with little semantic distinction, in fact moetellipele is the word used for the party leader in the 1969 constitution, as registered under the Societies Act, and as recognised by the courts. The form moetapele is the one used in the revised constitution of the party, the so-called matalenyana constitution because of its green cover, the term matalenyana being borrowed from a famous green-covered edition of The Laws of Lerotholi. This edition was apparently written by Ntsu Mokhehle while in exile in Odendaalsrus in South Africa, but in terms of Mofolo’s judgment it was not legally binding. By using the form moetellipele, the Maporesha faction were emphasising their commitment to the party and its procedures as originally legally constituted. A serious incident took place on the evening of 6 February, the same day that the rebel police had taken over the Police Headquarters. A group of Majelathoko youths had earlier attempted to take over the party headquarters (which adjoins Casalis House in Market Street), which was held by the Maporesha. Following their repulse, on the Thursday evening they attempted to take over the 35-year old single-storey BCP building, painted in the party colours, which stands at the foot of the hill near the main traffic circle. A fight took place between youths of the two factions, and as a result two members of the Majelathoko were badly stabbed and had to be hospitalised. On 14 February, Mr. Justice Mofolo gave his judgment and dismissed the accusation by counsel for the Majelathoko faction that the Party Executive had been in contempt of court by holding the Conference on 24 January. However he ruled that there had been insufficient preparation and also irregularities in the 24 January Conference, and that it should be held again on 28 February, taking care of particular points in relation to delegates and representation, which had to follow the legally recognised constitution. This led Moafrika in its issue of 21 February to state that the judge had indeed been swayed by Majelathoko pressure. Despite general grumbling about the costs of holding the 1995 Conference for the third time, the General Secretary, G. M. Kolisang sent out the necessary invitations, and this time it seemed that the Prime Minister himself would attend. Indeed the Majelathoko version of Makatolle published immediately before the meeting published a full list of candidates for the various positions up for election. This list included Molapo Qhobela, Pakalitha Mosisili and Tom Thabane for the post of Deputy Leader, 7 different candidates for the post of Party Chairman, and four candidates (G. M. Kolisang, Monyane Moleleki, Shakhane Mokhehle and Thabiso Melato) for the post of General Secretary. The Hall of the Cooperative College was no longer available as a venue, and the conference was held in the Chinese Cultural Centre Hall. It began at 10 a. m. on the Friday, and on this occasion it was noticeable that there was considerable attendance from the Majelathoko faction. Security was tight and guaranteed by a combination of members of the Royal Lesotho Mounted Police, Eagle Security, and members of the Lesotho Liberation Army. The Prime Minister arrived at the gate to the hall and on leaving his car talked for a short time to the Conference Chairman, Tšeliso Makhakhe. As reported to the Conference, he had told Makhakhe that he was not able to attend because he was unwell, but he would come if he felt better. He wished everyone well. The Conference proceeded, with representatives of 61 constituencies being present. However, at the first contentious matter on which a vote was taken, the motion was won by the Maporesha faction by some 590 votes to 161. This led to noisy displeasure from the Majelathoko, who were warned by the security personnel present to be less rowdy. They were unwilling to keep quiet, and as a mark of protest departed from the hall en masse. Following this, the elections, which had now become the central business of the Conference were held, and the same officers were returned as members of the National Executive Committee as had been the case in January. Votes were typically some 600 or more votes in favour with only a handful going to other candidates. On the following day, Saturday 1 March, the Conference was presented with a resolution that Ntsu Mokhehle should be removed from party leadership with immediate effect. The motion was passed by an overwhelming majority, and thereafter the re-elected executive communicated this information to the King, the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the National Assembly. The Prime Minister, however, did not seem ready to resign. Radio Lesotho the same day broadcast a statement from Ntsu Mokhehle in a wavering voice, which if nothing else, supported the claim that he was unwell. The statement said that the Prime Minister did not attend the Conference because of the threat to his safety from the weapons he saw. He did not recognise the validity of the Conference and would be calling his own meeting. The letter about the removal of Ntsu Mokhehle as leader of the party was read in the National Assembly on the following Monday and in the Senate on the Tuesday. In the National Assembly it resulted in the introduction of a motion by Mpho Malie and Thabiso Melato, supporters of the Majelathoko faction, deploring the letter and reaffirming confidence in the Prime Minister. It was known that this resolution would be likely to succeed, because the known Maporesha faction in Parliament was of the order of about 25 members out of the 65. Moreover, under the Constitution, the Prime Minister could apparently remain in office, unless toppled by a no confidence motion in the Parliament itself, a motion which would require the naming of a successor (Constitution §87(5) & (8)). The week turned out to be the most disorderly in the National Assembly since the restitution of democratic rule. On 5 March, the Member of Parliament for Thaba-Moea, a member of the Maporesha faction, was suspended from Parliament for a day for calling the National Assembly a ‘House of traitors’. Others walked out of Parliament, and still others were believed to have deliberately missed the session because they did not want to be seen to be voting to support one faction or the other. Following the Conference, there was yet again an appeal to the High Court to attempt to get the Conference nullified, and on this occasion the appellants were told that judgment would be deferred until 3 April. Various competing ‘urgent’ applications to the Court were not allowed to interfere with the pending judgment. Meanwhile the Prime Minister held not a Party Conference but a rally. This took the form of a march through Maseru on Sunday 16 March ending at the Pitso Ground, and was well attended, but only by the Majelathoko faction of the party. The Prime Minister’s voice on this occasion was far less wavering than of late, but he told his supporters that on account of his health he would be retiring at the end of the year. He repeated his earlier admonitions that party members should ostracise (furalla) the Makhakhe/Qhobela faction of the party. Friction between the two factions was by late March resulting in incidents of local conflict. For example the Makatolle of the Maporesha faction in its issue of 20 March reported how the Highlands Veterinary Hospital of Dr. Mohlalefi Moteane, a Pressure Group supporter, had been extensively vandalised, and a message left (in English) on the wall: ‘Stop interfering with BCP, Doctor, or else ...’. On Saturday 22 March, competing loudspeaker vans of the two factions each announcing a separate meeting came into conflict. The Maporesha seized the van of the Majelathoko and drove it to Maseru. However, all party vehicles are registered in the (former) leader’s name, so it had to be handed back after a few days. In Sunday 23 March, a more serious incident occurred. A former member of the LLA, Lebenya Mokuena, who was well-known for being a good shot, apparently attempted to board a kombi belonging to the Majelathoko. Before he could do so, the inhabitants pumped three bullets into him and killed him. The kombi in question had registration A 1111, a number with much symbolism for the party, because for many years it had belonged (in the older form BA 1111) to the black Mercedes of the party’s leader, Ntsu Mokhehle. A sequel to this incident was a preliminary hearing before the Maseru Chief Magistrate on 25 March of Thabiso Nthako and Tšeliso Molumisi charged with the murder of Lebenya Mokuena. Amongst evidence led was that the cartridge cases found at the scene of the crime had been of two kinds matching guns which were registered in the name of Ntsu Mokhehle. <<<back to top Nqechane By-electionThe Nqechane By-election, necessitated by the death of Mr. Pakane Khala took place on 1 February 1997. It was the first by-election since the general election of 1993 to be contested by the Basotho National Party, which apparently changed its stance on by-elections after the announcement that an Independent Electoral Commission was to be created. The by-election was won by Sefako Phosisi of the Basutoland Congress Party with 2236 votes. The BNP came in second place with 450 votes, followed by the Marematlou Freedom Party with 56 votes and the National Progressive Party of Chief Peete Peete (a splinter group from the BNP) with 54 votes. <<<back to top Appeal of Murderers of Bank Manager to High CourtThe Court of Appeal began sitting in Lesotho in the first week of February. One of the first cases before the court was the appeal against death sentences by Teboho Michael Chaka of Standard Bank, Remaketse Sehlabaka of Barclays Bank (then both members of the National Union of Bank Employees), and Samuel Monontši Maliehe, a driver. They had been sentenced in 1996 when the case relating to the the murder of the Barclays Bank Manager, Toloko Kimane, had finally reached the High Court. Kimane had been killed on 10 September 1991, after a bitter strike by bank employees, which had resulted in the workers being eventually dismissed when they refused to return to work. The Appeal Court acquitted Sehlabaka, and in the case of Chaka and Maliehe commuted the death sentences to sentences of 16 years in gaol each. <<<back to top University Lecturers on Strike; Return of University BursarThe militant Lesotho University Teachers and Researchers Union (LUTARU), which had frequently taken industrial action against the university authorities in the previous two years in its quest for better pay and conditions, began a strike on Thursday 6 February, the first strike since the arrival of the new Vice-Chancellor in January. The main grievance was the non-payment of car allowances which LUTARU stated had been agreed upon as part of new contracts. LUTARU had in the meantime sought a High Court Order requiring the University to pay the agreed allowances. The matter was resolved on the Monday of the following week and the staff members returned to work. Early in February, the University welcomed back it substantive Bursar, Mr. M. Putsoa, who had been on a two-year secondment to the Civil service as Auditor-General. His return to the Bursary came at a time when definite steps clearly needed to be taken. Problems with computer systems had led to staff not being paid on time, and had also led to the University not being able to collect money owed to it through lack of up-to-date information to send to its debtors on what they owed. <<<back to top New South African High CommissionerA new South African High Commissioner presented his credentials to the King during February. He was Mr. Japhet Ndlovu who took the place of the retiring High Commissioner, Mr. Gerard Visser. Mr. Ndlovu is no stranger to Lesotho. He spent 23 years in exile in Lesotho as a refugee during the apartheid regime. <<<back to top Shooting Incident at MokemaIn 1996, the village of Mokema near Roma had been the scene of a feud which had led to multiple deaths by shooting. As reported in Lentsoe la Basotho of 22 February 1997, in an apparently unrelated incident, three men were shot dead at the funeral of Lazaro Thabaneng. Lazaro Thabaneng had died of natural causes in South Africa, but he had been a leader of the Marashea, a name which survives from that of the notorious ‘Russian’ gangs of fifty years earlier. According to persons present at the funeral, two factions of the Marashea disputed the right to bury their leader, and while the ‘Leribe’ Marashea had arranged the funeral on 15 February, the ‘Matsieng’ faction had ordered it to be on the 22 February. Feelings ran so high that, when members of the Matsieng faction discovered that some of their members were attending the funeral on 15 February, they drove to the funeral and shot these limpimpi (traitors) dead. The incident occurred during the police strike, and although what happened was witnessed by many people, there were no immediate arrests. It appears that the members of both factions returned to South Africa immediately after the incident. Yet another incident in which four people died occurred in the nearby village of Popa Ha Borane early in March. On this occasion four villagers died as a result of a feud with persons outside the village who had stolen their animals. <<<back to top Death of Owner of Auberge RestaurantErnst Meissner, owner of the Auberge Restaurant in Central Maseru, was found dead on the morning of 27 February outside his house, which is a prominent thatched-roof building near the International Airport. His body had six gunshot wounds, and he had been run over by the vehicle he had been driving, which was also stolen. Meissner was a well-known German resident of Lesotho. On the night in question he had driven home after locking up at the end of the night’s business, and was not carrying any money with him. The stolen vehicle was recovered a few days later near Ha Makhoathi, and police investigations were said to be continuing. The Auberge Restaurant, originally opened as Fat Alice, had been trading as the Auberge for some 15 years. Situated on Kingsway, on the corner of Parliament Road, it has been a favourite eating place for many Maseru residents, apparently unaffected by the Kentucky Fried Chicken (one of three in Maseru) outlet next door, which attracts a rather different clientele. <<<back to top Announcement of Date of CoronationOn 6 March the Prime Minister announced that 31 October had been set as the date for the Coronation of King Letsie III, and the whole month preceding it would be a time to celebrate Lesotho’s 30 years of Independence. In fact, as people were quick to note, it would be 31 years of Independence, but the Government had not got round to doing anything about it in the previous year. Moreover, the King’s Coronation had not previously even been mooted when he had been King from November 1990 until 25 January 1995, the date on which he abdicated so that his father, King Moshoeshoe could be restored, only to have to resume the throne again on 15 January 1996, when his father was killed in a road accident. The timing of the announcement may have been deliberate intended to scotch rumours that the Government wished to send King Letsie III into exile following his role in the police mutiny. The rumours were apparently sufficiently widespread that the Minister of Information and Broadcasting, Mr. Monyane Moleleki, on 28 February had called a press conference to state that they were unfounded. The Coronation would be the first such for a Lesotho monarch, although the Placing or Installation of King Moshoeshoe II (then known as Constantine Bereng Seeiso) as Paramount Chief in 1960 was a precedent. He subsequently took the title of King when Lesotho gained internal self-rule under the 1965 Constitution. <<<back to top Opening of Maseru Private HospitalLesotho’s first secular private hospital was formally inaugurated on 7 March, after several months during which its various services had been developed. A Lesotho National Development Corporation project together with a consortium of doctors, the new hospital in its first phase has 32 beds, 2 intensive care units, a 24-hour casualty service, maternity beds, a radiology department, pharmacy, operating theatre and mortuary. Situated at Thetsane to the south of Maseru, the hospital had by early 1997, already made arrangements for a number of South African specialists to visit regularly. It was hoped by the hospital that it would be able to reverse the trend by which the wealthier inhabitants of Lesotho were making use of medical services in South Africa. <<<back to top Attack on Editor of MoafrikaOn the night of 7 March (as reported in Moafrika of 14 March), Candi Ramainoane discovered that some five people were trying to push his car, action directed (he suspected) at luring him out of his house so that they could kill him. The fearless reporting of Moafrika (which, however, sometimes fails to check the veracity of reports before publication) has resulted in Ramainoane acquiring a number of enemies, notably in the Majelathoko faction of the government and in the police and army. His newspaper report of 14 March made mention of what had happened to an earlier newspaper editor, Edgar Mahlomola Motuba, who was murdered for articles written in Leselinyana during the regime of Leabua Jonathan. Moreover, the newspaper has made a practice of reminding its readers of the many murders where no-one has been charged. Prominent amongst these is the murder of the Deputy Prime Minister, Selometsi Baholo, on 14 April 1994. A small box to the right of the masthead of Moafrika each week counts the number of weeks since ‘the soldiers that killed him have not yet been arrested’. Moafrika which appears weekly on Fridays at about 5 p. m., has in recent years become the most widely read of Lesotho’s independent newspapers. It claims ‘more than 70 000 readers every weekend’, a claim which might not be far short of the mark. Moreover, the editor, Candi Ramainoane is an extremely well-known voice over the Leseli Stereo radio station in South Africa, where his reports on Lesotho provide a critical account of events, frequently offering detail unavailable on Radio Lesotho, whose reports are severely limited by its inability to criticise the government of the day. <<<back to top Sentencing of Leap Year Day ‘10 Minute Coup’ Leaders29 February 1996 had been the occasion for an unusual liberty, when three persons entered the Radio Lesotho studio, and ‘suspended the Constitution’. The sequel had been their almost immediate arrest and imprisonment without bail, and eventually their appearance in Court a year later. The defence made much of the general low level of education of those appearing in Court, so that they were more buffoons than real threats to the Nation. The three miscreants (their leader was a Lesotho Bank Security Guard, Matsoso Bolofo) were each sentenced on 12 March to four years imprisonment for sedition, two years of which were suspended for five years. Given that they had already spent a year in gaol, this meant that with good conduct remission, they would be free to leave gaol within a few months. <<<back to top New Coins Released by Central BankIn a press release, the Central Bank announced in March that new two maloti (M2) and five maloti (M5) coins were being released, and although they were initially to be in circulation alongside the M2 and M5 notes, these would be eventually phased out. The move was bringing Lesotho into line with South Africa, which had for many years had coins for these two denominations. The new M2 and M5 are of mass 4.5 g and 6.4 g respectively, which makes them slightly smaller than their South African counterparts. The mass of the two new coins together is less than that of the current M1 coin which is of mass 11.3 g. It was expected that in due course the M1 coin would be redesigned in a smaller format. In any purse full of small change, its disproportionate size and mass, makes it somewhat of a burden to carry, especially in quantity. While most kingdoms bear the head of the monarch on the reverse of the coin, Lesotho’s new coins, like those of South Africa, bear a coat of arms. The Central Bank began dropping the monarch’s portrait when King Moshoeshoe II was sent into exile by the military regime. With the possibility of King Moshoeshoe’s return, it became difficult to know whether King Moshoeshoe II or his son King Letsie III should be depicted on coins and banknotes, and as far as banknotes were concerned, the Bank played safe and began to use (on the M20, M50, M100 and M200 notes) a portrait of the founder of the nation, King Moshoeshoe I. No announcement has yet been made by the Central Bank (as has happened in the case of the Central Bank of Swaziland) about the smallest coins in circulation, those with denominations 1s, 2s and 5s. The value of a 1s coin is approximately one-fifth of a US cent or a little over one-tenth of a sterling penny. The coins cost more to mint than they are worth, and play very little real role in commercial transactions, except to pay the odd decimal sums created by the 10% sales tax calculations on purchases. A rounding up (or down) to the nearest 10s is clearly something which should be on the Bank’s agenda, and would save members of the public carrying large numbers of virtually worthless coins in their pockets. [updated to 31 March 1997]
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