|
Meanwhile,
the
one
experiment
with
elected
urban
government
continued
to
be
fraught
with
problems.
The
Maseru
City
Council
received
much
criticism
in
the
press,
and
its
relations
with
the
Ministry
of
Local
Government
were
known
to
be
difficult.
Matters
eventually
came
to
a
head,
and
the
MCC
was
prematurely
dissolved
by
the
Minister
on
31
October
1995,
well
before
the
next
elections
were
due.
▲back
to
top
Corruption
and
crimes
of
fraud
were
believed
by
many
people
to
be
endemic
in
the
civil
service,
and
seldom
punished.
It
was
therefore
a
surprise
to
many
when
no
lesser
persons
than
the
Accountant-General,
D.
P.
Matebesi
and
the
Assistant
Accountant-General,
M.
P.
Mokotoane,
appeared
in
Court
on
26th
August,
charged
with
one
other
person
of
embezzling
M2
million.
The
case
proceeded
over
the
next
few
months,
and
was
eventually
adjourned
to
the
new
year.
▲back
to
top
The
by-election
to
fill
the
seat
of
the
murdered
Deputy
Prime
Minister,
Selometsi
Baholo,
was
held
on
26th
August.
There
was
a
low
poll
in
which
the
BCP
candidate,
35-year
old
Sello
Maphalla,
won
with
2560
votes.
Neither
BNP
nor
MFP
contested
the
by-election.
No
other
candidate
managed
to
win
even
100
votes,
even
though
some
veteran
politicians
such
as
A.
C.
Manyeli
(14
votes)
and
Khauta
Khasu
(14
votes)
stood
for
their
own
minor
parties,
which
had
splintered
off
from
the
larger
parties.
An
Independent,
Thabo
Chakela
won
78
votes.
It
became
known
at
this
time
that
the
BNP
itself
had
apparently
split
down
the
middle,
with
veteran
politician
Peete
Peete
announcing
he
was
forming
his
own
party,
and
would
no
longer
work
with
the
BNP
leader,
Retšelisitsoe
Sekhonyana.
▲back
to
top
On
28th
August
the
new
Maseru
Bridge,
which
had
already
been
in
use
since
May,
was
formally
opened
by
the
South
African
Minister
of
Home
Affairs,
Chief
Mangosutu
Buthelezi,
and
the
Lesotho
Minister
of
Works,
Ntsukunyane
Mphanya.
The
new
bridge
provided
two
lanes
for
road
traffic
and
a
pedestrian
walkway,
while
the
old
bridge
would
continue
to
serve
the
needs
of
rail
traffic.
Not
long
after
it
opened,
informal
street
traders
seized
on
the
opportunity
provided
by
the
wider
new
bridge:
they
were
able
to
sit
in
the
roadway
and
use
the
low
dividing
wall
as
a
serving
platform
for
pedestrians
on
the
walkway.
▲back
to
top
Opinions
on
the
situation
in
Lesotho
were
ventilated
at
a
formally
organised
National
Dialogue
on
Democracy,
Stability
and
Development
held
from
17
to
22
September
at
the
Lesotho
Sun
Hotel
with
support
from
the
Lesotho
Council
of
NGOs.
A
wide
cross-section
of
interest
groups
was
represented,
and
a
13-point
Declaration
was
issued,
recommending
amongst
other
points
that
a
Reconciliation
Commission
be
established;
the
judicial
process
should
be
carried
out
timeously;
the
national
broadcasting
system
should
be
supervised
by
an
independent
representative
Board;
and
that
there
should
be
an
Independent
Electoral
Commission.
It
was
noted
by
observers
that
much
inspiration
was
being
gained
by
the
successful
restructuring
of
organisations
in
South
Africa.
On
future
relations
with
South
Africa,
however,
the
Declaration
was
silent.
▲back
to
top
Extremely
dry
weather
had
been
experienced
by
Lesotho
throughout
the
second
half
of
1994
and
most
of
1995,
leading
to
a
declaration
of
a
drought
emergency
and
a
World
Food
Programme
drought
distribution
of
food
from
July
onwards.
The
drought
continued
into
October,
by
which
time
the
previous
eight
months
had
all
been
months
of
below
average
rainfall.
By
mid-October
also
water
supplies
were
running
low.
The
Maqalika
Dam,
which
when
the
Mohokare
River
is
not
flowing,
has
Maseru’s
only
supply
of
water,
contained
by
mid-October
only
enough
water
for
25
days
supply
to
the
capital.
Fortunately
heavy
rain
began
falling
on
16th
October
and
continued
for
four
days,
enough
to
get
the
river
running
again
and
for
supplies
to
be
pumped
into
the
Maqalika
Dam.
▲back
to
top
The
onset
of
the
first
heavy
rains
for
many
months
preceded
by
a
few
days
a
significant
step
in
the
Lesotho
Highlands
Water
Project.
A
ceremony
was
held
at
Katse
on
20
October
as
the
diversion
tunnels
round
the
dam
were
plugged
and
impoundment
of
the
Katse
Reservoir
began.
It
was
noted
that
two
rainy
seasons
were
probably
necessary
for
the
dam
to
fill
to
the
minimum
operating
level
at
which
water
could
begin
to
flow
through
the
transfer
tunnel.
Thus
water
might
begin
to
flow
into
the
Vaal
Catchment
some
time
in
1997,
although
exceptionally
wet
or
dry
weather
might
change
the
timetable
by
a
year
or
more.
Boring
of
the
tunnels
had
already
been
complete
for
more
than
a
year,
but
a
late
decision
had
been
taken
to
line
them
with
cement
throughout,
work
which
was
now
close
to
completion.
The
power
station
at
’Muela
was
far
behind
schedule,
however.
The
tendering
process
had
been
delayed
because
of
allegations
of
corruption
and
this
was
resulting
in
the
necessity
to
build
a
costly
by-pass
so
that
water
delivery
could
begin
before
the
hydropower
plant
was
commissioned.
Following
various
allegations
about
senior
management
in
the
Lesotho
Highlands
Development
Authority,
a
management
audit
had
been
commissioned,
and
the
Chief
Executive,
Mr.
Masupha
Sole,
had
been
suspended
from
his
post
late
in
1994.
LHDA
senior
management
remained
in
some
disarray,
because
the
Chief
Executive
had
not
been
reinstated
a
year
later,
nor
had
he
been
charged
with
any
offence,
and
he
was
himself
taking
legal
proceedings
against
his
employers.
Ultimately
he
was
offered
and
accepted
an
early
retirement
package.▲back
to
top
Meanwhile
the
teachers’
strike
continued,
and
a
picket
of
singing
and
dancing
teachers
mounted
a
constant
protest
outside
the
Ministry
of
Education.
On
certain
days,
parents
were
cajoled
into
providing
placard
support,
and
at
other
times
the
teachers
invaded
the
Ministry
and
disrupted
its
activities.
Police
intervened
on
several
occasions
and
teachers
were
dispersed
with
tear
gas.
A
High
Court
Order
was
granted
early
in
October
restricting
teachers
from
continuing
their
picketing
of
the
Ministry.
The
tear
gassing
of
teachers
apparently
led
to
severe
dissension
within
the
police
force,
a
number
of
whose
members
were
married
to
teachers.
The
argument
went
that
when
the
police
had
been
on
strike
the
year
before
for
exactly
similar
reasons
(demand
for
more
pay)
they
had
not
been
tear
gassed
(indeed,
who
would
have
done
it?)
so
why
should
the
teachers
be
treated
in
this
way?
Amongst
police
who
had
apparently
instigated
the
tear
gas
attacks
were
the
Officer
Commanding
the
Maseru
Central
Charge
Office,
Major
Marabe
Penane
and
Warrant
Officer
Keletso
Ramoeletsi.
In
the
early
hours
of
the
morning
on
19th
October,
Warrant
Officer
Ramoeletsi’s
house
in
New
Europa
was
raked
with
gunfire,
but
no-one
was
injured.
There
was
a
general
supposition
that
police
colleagues
had
been
responsible.
Worse
was
to
come.
On
the
morning
of
31st
October,
a
group
of
police,
identified
by
some
as
from
the
Police
Response
Unit,
and
by
others
as
from
the
Police
Training
College,
came
to
the
Maseru
Central
Charge
Office.
They
were
led
by
a
Sergeant
Lekhooe
Lekhooe,
and
it
seems
that
when
they
arrived,
a
group
of
senior
officers
in
the
Charge
Office
was
meeting
discussing
the
polarisation
of
the
police
force
and
a
threat
which
had
been
made
against
Major
Marabe
Penane.
When
the
arrivals
invaded
the
meeting
room
there
was
an
immediate
exchange
of
fire,
with
Major
Penane
apparently
attempting
to
put
Sergeantpted
its
activities.
Police
intervened
on
several
occasions
and
teachers
were
dispersed
with
tear
gas.
A
High
Court
Order
was
granted
early
in
October
restricting
teachers
from
continuing
their
picketing
of
the
Ministry.
The
tear
gassing
of
teachers
apparently
led
to
severe
dissension
within
the
police
force,
a
number
of
whose
members
were
married
to
teachers.
The
argument
went
that
when
the
police
had
been
on
strike
the
year
before
for
exactly
similar
reasons
(demand
for
more
pay)
they
had
not
been
tear
gassed
(indeed,
who
would
have
done
it?)
so
why
should
the
teachers
be
treated
in
this
way?
Amongst
police
who
had
apparently
instigated
the
tear
gas
attacks
were
the
Officer
Commanding
the
Maseru
Central
Charge
Office,
Major
Marabe
Penane
and
Warrant
Officer
Keletso
Ramoeletsi.
In
the
early
hours
of
the
morning
on
19th
October,
Warrant
Officer
Ramoeletsi’s
house
in
New
Europa
was
raked
with
gunfire,
but
no-one
was
injured.
There
was
a
general
supposition
that
police
colleagues
had
been
responsible.
Worse
was
to
come.
On
the
morning
of
31st
October,
a
group
of
police,
identified
by
some
as
from
the
Police
Response
Unit,
and
by
others
as
from
the
Police
Training
College,
came
to
the
Maseru
Central
Charge
Office.
They
were
led
by
a
Sergeant
Lekhooe
Lekhooe,
and
it
seems
that
when
they
arrived,
a
group
of
senior
officers
in
the
Charge
Office
was
meeting
discussing
the
polarisation
of
the
police
force
and
a
threat
which
had
been
made
against
Major
Marabe
Penane.
When
the
arrivals
invaded
the
meeting
room
there
was
an
immediate
exchange
of
fire,
with
Major
Penane
apparently
attempting
to
put
Sergeant
Lekhooe
out
of
action
before
he
could
do
anything
to
him.
Gunfire
was
sprayed
around
the
room.
Sergeant
Lekhooe
died,
as
did
a
senior
colleague
of
Major
Penane,
Major
Chabeli
Chabeli.
Major
Penane
himself
died
of
wounds
in
hospital,
and
three
other
wounded
police
were
hospitalised.
The
teachers’
strike
was
by
this
time
no
longer
operating.
Teachers
resumed
work
on
Monday
16th
October
in
order
to
administer
the
impending
Standard
VII,
Junior
Certificate
and
Cambridge
Overseas
School
Certificate
examinations.
They
announced
that
they
were
only
suspending
the
strike,
however,
and
would
resume
after
the
Christmas
holidays
in
February.
▲back
to
top
Evidence
of
the
brutal
interrogation
methods
of
the
police
came
to
light
as
a
result
of
the
treatment
reported
(in
Makatolle
of
15
November
1995)
as
meted
out
to
Mr
Makatla
Makatla,
the
Member
of
Parliament
for
the
Tele
Constituency.
Money
allocated
for
constituency
rural
development
(commonly
known
as
fato-fato)
had
apparently
been
paid
to
individual
MPs
in
cash,
and
M145
000
had
been
stolen
from
within
the
Parliament
Buildings
on
Friday
20th
October
from
Mr
E.
M.
Zuma,
the
MP
for
Mashai,
an
event
which
had
occasioned
considerable
newspaper
comment
and
which
had
so
far
not
resulted
in
any
charges
being
laid.
Police
investigations
eventually
led
to
Makatla
being
detained
for
questioning,
and
when
he
denied
knowledge
of
the
money,
he
was
tied
up
in
a
sack
and
dragged
across
rough
ground.
When
released
from
police
custody
on
2nd
November,
he
was
admitted
in
a
seriously
injured
state
to
Queen
Elizabeth
II
Hospital
in
Maseru.
▲back
to
top
A
second
later
incident
involving
the
police
was
the
death
of
Matlaselo
Maramane
Konyana
of
Liphakoeng,
Roma
who
died
in
police
custody
at
Roma
on
20
December.
He
had
been
detained
for
questioning
uninjured
on
19th
December
on
matters
relating
to
fire-arms
and
a
previous
death
by
shooting.
A
police
statement
(Leseli
ka
Sepolesa,
16
January
1996)
stated
that
the
cause
of
his
death
was
unknown.
It
was
generally
believed
by
local
inhabitants,
however,
that
he
had
died
as
a
result
of
torture
under
interrogation.
▲back
to
top
On
the
education
front,
another
area
of
confrontation
was
developing.
Education
in
Lesotho
had
always
been
largely
in
the
hands
of
the
churches,
but
in
the
years
after
Independence
they
had
lacked
the
resources
to
pay
teachers
and
Government
had
taken
over
this
responsibility
and
through
aid
programmes
had
also
arranged
for
considerable
improvements
in
buildings
and
equipment.
However,
Government
had
very
little
say
in
the
hiring
and
firing
of
teachers
and
their
deployment,
which
had
remained
a
matter
for
the
churches.
The
Education
Bill
which
was
being
discussed
by
Parliament
was
providing
Government
with
more
powers,
such
as
the
right
to
move
teachers
betwen
schools,
and
this
now
proved
particularly
galling
to
the
Catholic
Church,
members
of
which
led
demonstrations
against
the
Government
on
24th
November.
The
National
Assembly
had
passed
the
Bill
before
going
on
Christmas
recess.
The
Upper
House,
however,
proposed
amendments,
and
as
a
result
the
National
Assembly
had
to
reconvene
on
21
November.
▲back
to
top
The
National
Assembly
was
in
late
1995
not
getting
much
support
for
the
legislation
it
had
recently
enacted.
A
new
Public
Holidays
Bill
enacted
for
1996
at
the
beginning
of
October,
made
changes
to
many
public
holidays
well
after
virtually
all
calendars
for
1996
had
already
been
published.
On
top
of
this
a
Building
Control
Act
was
passed
which
made
it
an
offence,
with
severe
penalties,
for
anyone
anywhere
in
Lesotho
to
construct
a
building
without
its
plans
being
approved.
The
total
impractability
of
enforcing
such
legislation
did
nothing
to
enhance
Parliament’s
reputation.
▲back
to
top
Fissiparous
tendencies
had
borne
fruit
by
October
in
the
Basotho
National
Party.
Chief
Peete
Peete
formed
a
new
National
Progressive
Party,
which
held
its
first
Press
Conference
at
the
Hotel
Victoria
on
22
October.
The
new
party
(not
as
yet
with
a
newspaper)
was
attacked
by
the
BNP
newspaper
Mohlanka
in
its
issue
of
31
October
1995.
Amongst
complaints
were
that
the
NPP
had
seized
the
bronze
bust
of
the
BNP
founder,
Chief
Leabua
Jonathan,
had
displayed
the
old
national
flag
as
its
party
flag,
and
had
taken
on
the
BNP’s
cow
and
victory
signs
as
its
own.
Further
accusations
were
that
it
was
linked
with
the
Mafia,
apparently
because
of
the
friendship
of
the
leader
with
the
Italian
businessman,
Pino.
The
new
party’s
attempts
to
use
the
old
Lesotho
flag
as
a
party
emblem
were
in
fact
found
to
be
illegal,
and
it
was
left
to
consider
what
to
do
with
large
quantities
of
flags
and
letterheads
which
it
was
unable
to
use.
▲back
to
top
The
Basutoland
Congress
Party’s
travails
became
apparent
at
the
Leadership
Conference
held
at
the
Maseru
Sun
Cabanas
Hotel
on
Sunday
29
October,
when
internal
divisions
came
to
a
head
and
the
Conference
dissolved
into
chaos.
The
BCP
dissension
was
seen
by
many
to
have
been
fomented
by
Shakhane
Mokhehle,
brother
to
the
Prime
Minister
and
himself
a
Cabinet
Minister.
Party
Treasurer
in
the
early
1990s,
he
had
been
relieved
of
that
post
when
he
was
unable
to
account
for
funds.
His
subsequent
role
as
Secretary-General
had
inspired
equally
little
confidence
amongst
the
majority,
and
at
the
Party
Annual
Conference
at
Christmas
1994
he
had
been
removed
from
the
Party
Executive
and
replaced
by
the
veteran
politician
and
party
Secretary-General
at
Independence,
the
lawyer,
G.
M.
Kolisang.
The
Christmas
1994
changes
in
the
Executive
had
been
sweeping,
with
only
the
Leader
and
two
other
members
retaining
their
seats.
It
was
seen
as
a
take-over
by
the
party’s
‘Pressure
Group’,
and
thereafter
the
displaced
‘conservatives’
began
to
fight
a
rearguard
action
which
damaged
the
party’s
unity.
The
Shakhane
faction
had
support
from
young
BCP
members
of
the
Maseru
constituencies,
and
they
staged
a
number
of
takeovers
and
sit-ins
at
the
party
offices
throughout
1995,
culminating
in
a
complete
takeover
of
the
BCP
offices
for
three
weeks
in
September,
which
was
only
finally
ended
by
personal
intervention
by
Ntsu
Mokhehle.
Kolisang,
at
the
age
of
70,
combined
his
legal
practice
in
Butha-Buthe
with
the
Secretary-Generalship,
displaying
a
vigour
not
found
in
many
younger
men.
He
was
instrumental
in
seeing
that
the
various
conferences
of
the
BCP,
which
had
not
been
held
as
regularly
as
intended,
did
in
fact
take
place.
Thus
the
Women’s
Conference
(last
held
in
1993)
was
held
in
1995,
and
the
Youth
Conference
was
also
held
in
1995
after
a
gap
of
two
years.
The
Leadership
Conference
which
had
been
originally
instigated
by
Kolisang
himself
in
1960,
at
the
time
of
the
pre-Independence
Legislative
Council,
had
not
been
held
since
1991.
It
is
essentially
a
meeting
which
strengthens
the
bonds
between
the
central
office-bearers
of
the
party
and
its
many
branches,
and
includes
the
chairmen,
secretaries
and
treasurers
of
each
of
the
constituency
committees.
In
addition
to
these
are
the
office-bearers
of
BCP
committees
which
function
like
constituency
committees
wherever
there
are
significant
numbers
of
Basotho
in
South
Africa,
particularly
in
the
Gauteng
and
Free
State
Provinces.
Adding
to
these
the
Members
of
Parliament
and
the
office
bearers
of
various
central
party
committees
such
as
the
Women’s
and
Youth
Leagues,
the
total
membership
of
the
Leadership
Conference
amounts
to
about
340
persons,
most
of
whom
were
present
at
the
meeting
on
29th
October.
At
the
Conference
Meeting,
the
Leader,
Ntsu
Mokhehle
opened
proceedings
with
a
speech
intended
to
promote
party
unity.
He
was
listened
to
respectfully,
but
immediately
afterwards
there
were
calls
for
a
special
conference
to
elect
a
new
Party
Executive
ahead
of
the
normal
Annual
Conference.
There
were
claims
and
counterclaims
that
the
party
membership
had
lost
confidence
in
the
present
Executive.
The
question
as
to
whether
such
a
matter
should
be
placed
on
the
agenda
became
contentious,
and
there
was
such
heckling
by
the
Shakhane
faction
that
the
meeting,
which
was
supposed
to
last
all
day,
was
unable
to
proceed,
and
was
eventually
abandoned
after
less
than
five
hours
with
nothing
accomplished
According
to
Mopheme
of
31st
October
the
‘ruffian
conservative’
faction
led
by
Shakhane
Mokhehle
includes
the
Minister
of
Information,
Lira
Motete;
Minister
to
the
Prime
Minister,
Sephiri
Motanyane;
and
Minister
of
Employment
Notši
Molopo;
while
amongst
MPs
its
cause
is
particularly
actively
promoted
by
Thebe
Motebang
and
’Mamoshebi
Kabi.
The
‘liberal’
or
‘pressure
group’
faction
has
as
its
most
prominent
members
the
Minister
of
Works,
Ntsukunyane
Mphanya;
the
Minister
of
Law
and
Human
Rights,
Molapo
Qhobela;
the
Minister
of
Education,
Tšeliso
Makhakhe;
the
Minister
of
Health,
Sekoala
Toloane;
the
Minister
of
Natural
Resources,
Khauhelo
Raditapole;
as
well
as
80%
of
the
BCP
Executive
Committee.
It
appears
that
several
Cabinet
Members
align
themselves
with
neither
faction
and
indeed
it
was
said
that
‘some
party
leaders
did
not
attend
for
fear
of
being
physically
attacked
by
the
ruffian
conservatives’.
The
party
paper
Makatolle
was
not
neutral
in
the
dispute,
and
openly
supported
the
Shakhane
Mokhehle
faction.
In
an
article
Makoala
le
linonnori
a
buela
litaba
tsa
lekhotla
likoranteng
(Cowards
and
crooks
discuss
party
affairs
in
the
newspapers)
(Makatolle,
29
November
1995),
members
of
the
party
were
attacked
for
using
the
radio,
newspapers
and
street
pamphlets
to
promote
their
views.
Amongst
contentious
issues
was
the
Annual
Conference,
to
be
deferred
to
late
January
1996,
and
the
proposal
to
hold
it
outside
Maseru.
The
article
traces
the
origins
of
the
current
party
dispute
to
differences
of
opinion
between
Shakhane
Mokhehle
and
his
party
colleagues,
which
began
when
the
party
was
in
exile
in
Botswana.▲back
to
top
Internal
political
disputes
provided
more
newspaper
copy
than
an
event
which
had
enormous
potential
significance
for
Lesotho’s
future.
The
South
African
National
Union
of
Mineworkers
had
long
been
led
by
a
Mosotho,
James
Motlatsi,
who
had
since
the
advent
of
the
new
South
Africa,
campaigned
for
Lesotho
to
join
South
Africa.
Receiving
no
co-operation
on
this
score,
he
had
then
lobbied
for
an
alternative
for
migrant
workers,
that
they
could
nevertheless
have
the
right
of
permanent
residence
in
South
Africa
for
themselves
and
their
families.
His
lobbying
had
now
borne
fruit
and
it
was
announced
that
South
Africa
would
permit
Basotho
migrant
workers
to
settle.
The
immediate
implications
were
not
clear,
because
no-one
could
be
sure
how
many
workers
would
take
up
the
offer.
However,
the
general
view
was
that
if
conditions
in
South
Africa
remained
stable,
the
majority
would
in
fact
move
over
a
period,
with
enormous
implications
for
the
Lesotho
economy,
which
might
have
its
GNP
reduced
by
from
one-third
to
a
half.
Demographically
anything
from
100
000
to
400
000
people
might
leave
Lesotho.
Reduced
government
revenue
could
result
in
redundancies
as
the
civil
service
and
parastatals
had
to
downsize
staff
complements.
The
loss
of
deferred
pay
would
mean
that
the
Lesotho
Bank
would
lose
substantial
capital,
with
implications
for
the
funding
of
mortgages.
The
whole
building
trade
would
be
affected,
while
the
need
for
builders
in
South
Africa
for
the
Reconstruction
&
Development
Programme
might
lead
to
an
exodus
of
persons
employed
in
the
building
trade.
Lesotho’s
current
GNP
per
head
is
approximately
one
quarter
that
of
South
Africa,
and
it
would
be
likely
to
dwindle
towards
one-tenth.
Clearly
the
whole
process
would
support
even
further
those
who
would
wish
the
Government
to
seek
to
investigate
a
closer
relationship
with
South
Africa,
or
indeed
incorporation
into
South
Africa.
It
appeared,
however,
that
the
only
political
party
so
far
advocating
union
with
South
Africa
was
the
Communist
Party
of
Lesotho
led
by
Jacob
Kena.
▲back
to
top
As
December
developed,
the
one
commodity
which
became
available
in
abundance
was
water.
After
the
drought
of
February
to
September,
with
all
months
recording
rainfall
below
average,
October,
November
and
December
rainfall
were
all
above
average,
with
particularly
heavy
rainfall
in
December.
By
mid-December,
the
Katse
Reservoir
was
already
80
metres
deep,
approximately
10
metres
below
the
entrance
to
the
Transfer
Tunnel
and
exceeding
all
predictions
in
the
theoretical
impoundment
curves.
It
became
apparent
that
far
from
water
being
delivered
late,
it
was
likely
to
be
available
before
the
lining
of
the
tunnels
had
been
completed.
A
decision
was
taken
to
release
water
at
the
Katse
Dam
to
keep
the
reservoir
level
at
about
80
metres
depth,
to
avoid
flooding
of
the
construction
camp
at
the
tunnel
entrance,
and
also
to
allow
grouting
to
continue
on
the
dam
wall
at
levels
which
might
otherwise
be
flooded.
The
impoundment
of
the
Katse
Reservoir
had
serious
implications
for
villagers
living
nearby.
The
project
for
provision
of
access
tracks
linking
the
villages
along
the
lake
as
well
as
the
provision
of
reservoir
crossings
was
far
behind
schedule.
Original
proposals
for
ferries
and
access
steps
had
been
modified
because
there
was
a
reluctance
to
provide
facilities
with
recurrent
costs.
Ferries
had
been
eliminated
and
bridges
substituted,
although
these
had
not
yet
been
constructed
and
were
distant
from
nearly
all
of
the
popular
crossing
points.
Responding
to
immediate
needs,
Lesotho
Highlands
Development
Authority
found
itself
in
the
business
of
providing
free
ferry
crossings
after
all.
Small
rafts
mounted
on
drums
and
powered
by
an
outboard
motor
were
constructed.
The
deck
contained
separate
areas
for
donkeys
and
human
passengers,
and
could
be
successfully
manoeuvred
to
the
steep
sides
of
the
gorge
where
footpaths
now
disappeared
below
the
waters
of
the
lake.
There
was
concern
however
about
safety,
exacerbated
by
the
absence
of
landing
stages
and
the
great
depth
of
the
lake
even
a
metre
or
two
from
the
shoreline,
which
would
prove
fatal
to
anyone
falling
in
and
unable
to
swim.
The
impoundment
of
the
reservoir
had
another
impact
for
local
residents.
The
large
mass
of
water
now
in
the
valley
caused
local
earth
tremors.
The
impact
of
these
was
worst
at
the
village
of
Mapeleng
on
the
east
shore
of
the
reservoir
5
km
from
the
dam.
Houses
threatened
to
collapse
as
a
result
of
cracks,
and
some
of
the
village’s
springs
were
put
out
of
action.
Remedial
action
was
made
difficult
because
the
planned
access
track
had
not
yet
reached
the
village.
With
abundant
rain,
agriculturally
the
summer
now
seemed
promising,
although
hail
devastated
young
crops
in
some
areas.
However,
it
was
noticeable
how
much
land
in
the
Lowlands
was
still
left
fallow.
Basotho
in
many
cases
seemed
to
have
lost
the
ability
to
grow
crops,
and
had
become
dependent
on
cash
income
which
was
now
dwindling,
and
drought
relief
food,
which
was
being
widely
distributed
following
the
previous
dry
summer.
Given
the
unusually
wet
conditions,
such
food
was
unlikely
to
be
supplied
after
the
present
summer.
▲back
to
top
The
Boleka
by-election,
the
third
since
the
General
Election
in
1993,
took
place
on
23
December,
and
attracted
little
interest
in
the
constituency,
since
only
29%
of
registered
voters
bothered
to
vote.
Nationally,
there
was
some
interest,
because
it
was
the
first
test
of
popularity
of
the
National
Progressive
Party
which
fielded
a
candidate
alongside
the
BCP
and
the
MFP.
The
seat
was
won
overwhelmingly
by
Mokete
Khalema
for
the
BCP
with
2988
votes.
The
NPP
candidate
came
second
with
160
votes,
and
the
MFP
candidate
received
149
votes.
▲back
to
top
As
the
Christmas
season
approached,
there
was
not
much
to
offer
light
relief.
However,
the
Post
Office
did
provide
some
unintentional
mirth.
A
stamp
was
issued
showing
red
hot
pokers,
one
of
Lesotho’s
more
attractive
indigenous
flowers,
which
form
colourful
displays
in
mid-summer
on
hillsides
in
the
Maloti.
The
stamp
was,
however,
captioned
RED
HOT
PORKERS,
providing
a
solecism
which
seemed
destined
to
become
a
collector’s
piece.
▲back
to
top
|
