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Early
in
August,
Dr
P.
M.
Senaoana
of
the
Economics
Department
of
the
National
University
of
Lesotho
was
appointed
as
the
new
Minister
of
Finance,
replacing
Mpho
Malie
who
had
been
acting
Minister
(in
addition
to
his
normal
portfolio
as
Minister
of
Information
&
Broadcasting)
following
the
assassination
of
Selometsi
Baholo.
Amongst
Dr
Senaoana’s
first
official
duties
was
to
attend
a
conference
in
Indonesia.
▲back
to top
On
Sunday
14
August,
a
demonstration
was
held,
in
which
a
number
of
people
(to
be
measured
in
hundreds,
not
thousands
according
to
one
observer)
demanded
the
reinstallation
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II
to
replace
his
son
King
Letsie
III.
The
demonstration
was
broadcast
as
a
news
item
on
South
African
Television,
and
apparently
those
present
signed
a
petition.
The
matter
of
who
should
be
the
constitutional
monarch
had
for
some
time
been
an
issue
among
a
small
but
vociferous
minority,
ever
since
the
return
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II
from
exile
in
1992,
not
as
a
reigning
monarch
but
as
ex-King.
When
the
new
Constitution
had
been
introduced
in
1993,
it
was
King
Letsie
III
who
became
the
constitutional
monarch,
not
his
father,
even
though
King
Moshoeshoe’s
deposition
had
not
been
by
a
democratic
government,
but
by
the
former
military
regime.
The
anomaly
was
not
considered
by
many
as
of
great
import,
because
the
constitutional
monarch
had
no
real
power.
However,
in
response
to
representations,
the
Prime
Minister
had
himself
suggested
courses
of
action
for
approval
by
Parliament
including
the
use
of
the
legal
system
for
redress,
a
Commission
of
Inquiry,
and
a
referendum.
It
was
well
known
that
King
Letsie
was
a
reluctant
monarch,
and
would
happily
hand
over
the
reigns
of
power
to
his
father.
However,
some
felt
that
the
Basutoland
Congress
Party
Government
of
Dr
Ntsu
Mokhehle,
was
apparently
apprehensive
lest
King
Moshoeshoe
II,
if
reinstated,
might
overstep
his
powers
as
a
constitutional
monarch.▲back
to top
At
5.10
a.m.
on
Wednesday
17
August,
listeners
to
Radio
Lesotho
heard
an
announcement
by
King
Letsie
III,
which
was
repeated
at
frequent
intervals
in
place
of
normal
programmes.
The
statement
said
that
Parliament
had
been
dissolved,
and
was
followed
by
the
national
anthem.
The
announcement
of
what
was
immediately
recognised
as
an
attempted
coup,
sparked
off
a
major
public
protest.
A
crowd
swarmed
outside
the
palace,
calling
for
the
abolition
of
the
monarchy.
An
army
vehicle
which
drove
into
the
crowd
was
stoned,
and
the
soldiers
in
the
vehicle
opened
fire.
Some
four
people
were
killed,
and
several
others
severely
wounded.
Later,
news
emerged
of
a
protest
in
Quthing
in
which
two
people
were
killed,
and
two
Members
of
Parliament
for
the
district
arrested.
Events
in
Lesotho
were
closely
monitored
in
South
Africa
where
President
Mugabe
of
Zimbabwe
was
at
the
time
visiting
President
Mandela.
On
Thursday,
the
situation
remained
confused,
with
Ministers
of
the
elected
government
still
for
the
most
part
in
their
offices,
and
the
Foreign
Minister,
Molapo
Qhobela,
stating
that
the
government
of
Ntsu
Mokhehle
was
still
in
control.
However,
ministerial
cars
were
taken
away
from
cabinet
ministers,
forcing
them
to
walk
or
to
get
lifts.
Meanwhile,
Radio
Lesotho
provided
no
further
information
as
to
what
was
transpiring,
and
merely
continued
to
rebroadcast
King
Letsie’s
speech
and
the
national
anthem..
However,
the
events
of
Wednesday
were
in
the
meantime
purported
to
be
legalised
by
the
issue
of
a
Lesotho
Government
Gazette
Extraordinary
(no.
73
of
1994
dated
17th
August),
in
which
the
‘Lesotho
Order
1994’
inter
alia
vested
legislative
authority
in
the
King,
dissolved
parliament,
and
suspended
large
portions
of
the
Lesotho
Constitution.
A
Council
of
Ministers
was
established
to
advise
and
assist
the
King,
and
an
Indemnity
Order
was
also
published
protecting
the
Crown,
the
army,
the
police,
civil
servants
and
others
from
any
civil
or
criminal
legal
action
taken
against
them
relating
to
virtually
any
activities
undertaken
from
17
August
onwards
in
support
of
the
Lesotho
Order
1994.▲back
to top
On
Friday
19th
August,
the
shape
of
a
new
government
began
to
emerge.
The
Chairman
of
the
Council
of
Ministers
was
to
be
Hae
Phoofolo,
a
former
Deputy
Governor
of
the
Central
Bank,
who
had
been
dismissed
from
this
post
and
had
been
convicted
of
fraud
and
spent
time
in
gaol,
but
had,
since
his
release,
attempted
to
regain
respectability
as
a
civil
rights
lawyer.
The
new
Minister
of
Foreign
Affairs
was
to
be
Retšelisitsoe
Sekhonyana,
leader
of
the
Basotho
National
Party,
who
had
never
accepted
the
results
of
the
1993
elections
(in
which
his
party
lost
every
seat),
despite
the
elections
having
been
declared
free
and
fair
by
numerous
international
observer
groups.
A
former
Minister
of
Finance
in
previous
non-democratic
governments,
he
was
also
generally
believed
to
be
the
wealthiest
man
in
Lesotho,
or
alternatively
to
have
the
largest
unpaid
debts
to
Lesotho
Bank,
a
matter
on
which
legal
action
was
pending.
The
six
members
of
the
new
Council
of
Ministers
sworn
in
on
Friday
morning
included
’Mamello
Morrison,
a
journalist
whose
newspaper
Mphatlalatsane
had
been
a
tireless
supporter
of
the
reinstatement
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II.
She
became
the
new
Minister
of
Information.
Accepting
the
position
of
Minister
of
Agriculture,
was
Khauta
Khasu,
who
had
left
the
BCP
in
1992
in
a
fit
of
pique,
when
he
was
not
elected
to
high
office.
The
party
which
he
had
subsequently
formed
with
Phoka
Chaolane
had
fared
very
badly
in
the
1993
elections,
only
collecting
a
handful
of
votes.
Sworn
in
as
Minister
of
Finance
was
Moletsane
Monyake,
Director
of
the
Lesotho
National
Development
Corporation.
His
activities
had
been
investigated
in
the
extraordinary
episode
when,
with
LNDC
support,
several
hundred
Chinese
had
paid
large
sums
in
Hong
Kong
to
become
Lesotho
citizens.
The
money
had
subsequently
disappeared,
and
their
citizenships
had
been
revoked
with
serious
international
repercussions.
The
sixth
member
was
’Mathabiso
Mosala
of
the
Lesotho
National
Council
of
Women
who
became
Minister
of
Labour.
The
remainder
of
the
16
members
of
the
Council
of
Ministers
was
still
a
matter
of
conjecture,
but
well-informed
sources
indicated
that
Vincent
Malebo,
Leader
of
the
Marematlou
Freedom
Party,
and
Khalaki
Sello,
a
distinguished
lawyer,
and
close
associate
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II,
had
both
turned
down
invitations
to
serve.
It
was
believed,
however,
that
persons
likely
to
accept
included
the
King’s
brother,
Seeiso
Seeiso;
Charles
Mofeli
of
the
United
Democratic
Party,
a
party
which
normally
polled
derisory
totals
at
elections;
Chief
Khoabane
of
Thaba-Bosiu,
a
strong
supporter
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II;
and
Major-General
Lekhanya,
who
had
led
the
1986
Military
Coup,
and
had
later
been
forced
out
of
office
by
disaffected
junior
ranks.▲back
to top
Meanwhile,
there
was
an
obvious
absurdity
in
the
swearing
in
of
the
six
new
members
of
the
new
Council.
The
Council
was
sworn
in
by
Chief
Justice
Lebona
Kheola,
apparently
under
duress,
not
long
after
he
had
granted
on
the
same
morning
a
High
Court
Order
in
which
all
the
significant
portions
of
the
Lesotho
Order
1994
had
been
declared
with
immediate
effect
null
and
void,
together
with
any
other
legislative
instrument
made
contrary
to
the
Constitution
of
Lesotho.
The
case
had
been
brought
by
L.
Pheko
&
Company
on
behalf
of
the
Prime
Minister,
Dr
Ntsu
Mokhehle,
against
His
Majesty
King
Letsie
III
and
the
Attorney
General.
In
his
affidavit
before
the
court,
the
Prime
Minister
referred
to
King
Letsie’s
broadcast,
in
which
the
King
stated
he
had
taken
the
action
that
he
had
because
of
a
petition
handed
over
to
him
in
which
‘many
people
and
the
leaders
of
the
people
had
expressed
concern’.
However,
he
(Ntsu
Mokhehle)
had
not
seen
the
petition
and
could
not
therefore
comment
thereon.▲back
to top
Internal
protest
inside
Lesotho
was
building
up
in
a
number
of
ways.
The
Chamber
of
Commerce
and
Industry
noted
the
developments
with
grave
dismay.
The
Lesotho
Council
of
Non-Governmental
Organisations
called
for
a
complete
suspension
of
government
and
commercial
activities
as
a
sign
of
protest
on
the
following
Monday
and
Tuesday.
This
was
supported
by
the
Law
Society,
which
also
called
upon
legal
practitioners
and
the
judiciary
to
suspend
court
appearances
for
two
weeks.
On
Sunday
21
August,
the
Law
Society
held
an
extraordinary
meeting
following
which
it
requested
an
audience
with
the
Chief
Justice
to
find
out
the
circumstances
leading
to
the
swearing
in
of
the
so-called
new
Council
of
Ministers
in
violation
of
a
valid
interim
court
order
granted
by
him
declaring
the
King’s
action
as
null
and
void.
A
sequel
to
this
was
that
three
days
later
the
Law
Society
indicated
that
it
had
lost
confidence
in
Chief
Justice
Kheola,
and
called
upon
him
to
resign.
The
two-day
stayaway
on
Monday
22
August
and
Tuesday
23
August
resulted
in
Maseru
becoming
as
deserted
as
on
a
Sunday,
indeed
even
more
so,
because
even
businesses
such
as
the
Maseru
Cafe
were
closed.
Schools
throughout
the
country
were
also
closed.
News
came
through
that
in
South
Africa
support
was
coming
from
the
Congress
of
South
African
Trade
Unions
(COSATU),
which
was
indefinitely
urging
its
members
not
to
handle
goods
going
to
or
from
Lesotho.
Amongst
statements
from
diplomats
stationed
in
Maseru
was
one
from
the
United
States
announcing
an
immediate
suspension
of
aid.
There
were
few
statements
coming
from
the
new
‘government’,
but
an
ominous
statement
was
issued
by
the
‘Minister
of
Information’,
’Mamello
Morrison,
who
said
that
‘one
of
the
assignments
that
the
King
has
given
us
is
the
purification
of
the
public
service,
the
security
forces
and
the
judiciary’.
Meanwhile,
Archbishop
Desmond
Tutu
arrived
in
Maseru.
His
familiarity
with
Lesotho
had
been
gained
in
past
years
by
his
work
as
a
lecturer
in
the
University
there,
and
later
as
Bishop
of
Lesotho.
On
the
Monday,
he
met
both
the
King
and
Cabinet
Ministers,
but
his
attempts
to
mediate
were
unsuccessful.
More
authority
was
wielded
by
the
Presidents
of
Botswana,
South
Africa
and
Zimbabwe
who
met
in
Gaborone
on
the
Tuesday,
and
summoned
King
Letsie
to
meet
them
in
Pretoria
on
the
Thursday.
Meanwhile,
as
many
as
six
Lesotho
Cabinet
Members
were
assembled
in
Pretoria,
including
the
Minister
of
Finance,
Dr
Senaoana,
stranded
on
his
way
back
from
a
conference
in
Indonesia,
and
Dr
Raditapole,
the
Minister
of
Health.
The
Minister
of
Natural
Resources,
Tšeliso
Makhakhe,
appealed
to
South
Africa
to
blockade
Lesotho
and
to
force
the
King
to
back
down.▲back
to top
Both
Dr
Mokhehle
and
King
Letsie
III
travelled
to
Pretoria
on
the
Wednesday
and
met
with
Presidents
Mugabe,
Mandela
and
Masire
on
Thursday
25
August.
Further
weight
was
added
by
the
presence
of
the
Secretary-General
of
the
Organisation
of
African
Unity,
Salim
Ahmed
Salim.
As
a
result
of
the
meeting,
the
King
was
given
a
week
(until
Thursday
September
1st)
to
reverse
his
action.
General
speculation
was
that
the
King’s
likely
response
to
the
ultimatum
was
going
to
be
abdication
in
favour
of
his
father,
the
former
King
Moshoeshoe
II.
A
statement
had
in
any
case
already
been
made
by
the
Chairman
of
the
new
‘Council
of
Ministers’,
Hae
Phoofolo,
saying
that
it
was
intended
to
modify
the
constitution
and
return
King
Moshoeshoe
II
to
the
throne.
King
Letsie,
did
not
however
abdicate,
possibly
because
of
the
difficulty
of
devising
an
appropriate
legal
formula
to
do
so,
when
the
whole
of
the
legal
profession
was
on
strike.
He
was
by
now
in
a
difficult
situation,
with
strong
condemnation
of
his
action
from
both
the
United
States
and
the
United
Kingdom.
There
was
also
a
statement
dated
24
August
from
the
European
Union
that
read:
Unless
the
constitutional
process
is
immediately
restored
and
the
purported
removal
of
the
democratically-elected
Government
reversed,
the
European
Union
will
proceed
to
a
review
of
the
relations
between
the
European
Union
and
Lesotho,
including
the
programme
for
development
cooperation.
On
Wednesday
31
August,
the
Foreign
Ministers
of
Botswana,
South
Africa
and
Zimbabwe
had
gathered
in
Maseru,
and
apparently
a
letter
was
handed
over
to
King
Letsie
raising
the
threat
of
economic
sanctions
if
King
Letsie
did
not
reinstate
the
government
he
had
purported
to
sack.
However,
it
seems
that
King
Letsie
prevaricated,
and
according
to
a
close
aide,
asked
Mokhehle
to
join
a
provisional
council
to
prepare
for
elections
the
following
March.
Meanwhile
the
Attorney-General
of
the
democratically-elected
government,
Fine
Maema,
was
still
in
position,
and
he
issued
statements
to
the
press
that
King
Letsie’s
action
had
been
unconstitutional,
and
that
it
was
impossible
to
reinstate
King
Moshoeshoe
II
within
the
present
legal
framework.
Although
the
deadline
for
King
Letsie
to
restore
democracy
had
been
Thursday
1
September,
the
foreign
ministers
decided
to
give
King
Letsie
an
extension
until
Monday
to
reinstate
the
government.▲back
to top
In
the
event,
King
Letsie
apparently
realised
that
the
odds
were
now
totally
stacked
against
him.
On
Friday
2
September
he
announced
that
he
was
handing
back
government
to
those
who
had
been
democratically
elected.
Despite
a
curfew
that
had
been
declared
to
be
in
force
since
August
17,
jubilant
crowds
took
to
the
streets
of
Maseru
that
evening,
believing
that
they
were
celebrating
the
return
to
power
of
the
government
that
they
had
themselves
chosen.
However,
in
the
event
the
handover
did
not
take
place
as
expected.
The
reports
on
2
September
had
followed
negotiations
between
King
Letsie
and
representatives
from
Botswana
(the
High
Commissioner
to
Pretoria),
Zimbabwe
(the
Permanent
Secretary
for
Foreign
Affairs),
and
South
Africa
(Mr
Rusty
Evans,
the
Director
or
Diplomatic
Affairs,
equivalent
to
a
Permanent
Secretary
in
the
new
South
African
structure).
On
the
following
Monday
5
September,
Rusty
Evans
issued
a
statement
that
King
Letsie
had
made
an
‘absolute
agreement’
to
restore
Dr.
Mokhehle’s
government.
However,
the
modalities
of
the
restoration
became
obscured
as
Evans
met
E.
R.
Sekhonyana
(Leader
of
the
Basotho
National
Party
defeated
in
the
1993
elections,
and
now
‘Foreign
Minister’
in
the
government
which
had
seized
power
on
17th
August).
Sekhonyana
later
met
the
King.
By
the
following
day
Evans
was
stating
that
the
government
would
be
reinstated
in
days
if
not
within
hours.
He
observed
that
the
two
fundamental
problems
related
to
the
powers
and
status
of
the
King
and
to
the
security
situation.
However,
Mokhehle
had
agreed
in
principle
to
reinstate
King
Letsie’s
father,
Moshoeshoe
II,
although
this
would
require
a
constitutional
amendment.
Observing
that
the
army
was
loyal
to
the
opposition
Basotho
National
Party,
which
had
failed
to
win
a
single
seat
in
the
last
election,
he
noted
that
there
was
concern
that
if
the
Basutoland
Congress
Party
of
Ntsu
Mokhehle
was
returned
to
power,
there
might
be
an
uncontrolled
reaction
from
the
defence
force.
Mokhehle
had
asked
that
the
neighbouring
states
should
place
a
military
force
in
Maseru
to
address
the
threat.
However,
he
added
that
‘we
don’t
see
it
as
that
sort
of
mortal
threat’.
However,
South
Africa,
Zimbabwe,
and
Botswana
had
undertaken
to
guarantee
the
accord
likely
to
be
signed.
Meanwhile
concern
about
the
delays
in
restoring
democracy
were
being
expressed
by
the
National
NGO
Steering
Committee
through
its
head,
Caleb
Sello,
and
following
a
meeting
on
the
Tuesday,
a
further
two-day
strike
was
called
for
Thursday
and
Friday.
On
Wednesday
7
September,
the
restoration
process
was
brought
to
an
abrupt
halt,
when
it
was
announced
that
’MaSeeiso
Seeiso,
the
only
sister
of
King
Letsie,
and
daughter
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II,
had
died
suddenly,
the
cause
of
death
being
not
immediately
clear.
It
was
said
that
she
had
died
of
a
stroke,
which
most
people
thought
improbable
for
a
person
in
her
20s.
There
were
other
reports
circulating
about
serious
problems
within
the
Royal
Family,
including
a
report
that
Queen
’MaMohato,
mother
of
King
Letsie
and
wife
of
King
Moshoeshoe
had
been
injured
a
few
days
earlier
in
a
dispute
with
her
husband,
in
which
it
was
said
she
had
defended
democracy.
She
was
admitted
to
Pelonomi
Hospital
in
Bloemfontein,
and
needed
treatment
lasting
several
days.
It
also
appeared
that
Seeiso
Seeiso,
brother
to
King
Letsie
had
been
assaulted
and
robbed
of
his
vehicle
by
villagers,
while
on
the
way
to
Thaba-Bosiu
to
meet
Principal
Chief
Khoabane
Letsie,
a
strong
supporter
of
King
Moshoeshoe
II.
Meanwhile,
the
members
of
the
government
which
had
been
installed
on
17th
August
were
also
apparently
not
feeling
secure,
and
it
was
said
that
a
number
of
them
were
sleeping
in
the
Makoanyane
Barracks,
including
E.
R.
Sekhonyana
and
’Mamello
Morrison,
the
‘Minister
of
Information’.
Certainly
several
stories
which
were
circulating
at
the
time
were
later
discovered
to
be
untrue.
One
such
untrue
story
was
that
while
Ms
Morrison
was
staying
away
from
home,
a
lorry
arrived
at
her
former
house
in
Seapoint,
Maseru,
and
the
driver
said
he
was
instructed
to
pick
up
her
belongings
for
removal
to
a
new
ministerial
house.
The
belongings
were
duly
loaded,
and
apparently
then
disappeared.
In
fact,
no
such
incident
occurred
Because
of
the
death
of
Princess
’MaSeeiso,
a
request
was
made
to
the
negotiating
team
that
a
period
of
mourning
must
ensue.
As
a
mark
of
respect,
matters
were
postponed
to
the
following
Monday.
However,
the
strike
called
by
the
Lesotho
Council
of
NGOs
occurred
notwithstanding,
and
there
was
a
complete
cessation
of
all
business
activities
on
the
Thursday
and
Friday,
with
even
Lesotho
Airways
suspending
operations.
All
teachers
were
also
on
strike,
adding
to
the
section
of
the
teaching
force
had
already
been
out
on
strike
because
of
a
pay
claim.
On
Monday
12
September
when
matters
resumed,
the
King,
who
was
presumed
to
be
under
pressure
from
the
politicians
of
his
newly
formed
Council
of
Ministers,
refused
to
sign
the
agreement
which
would
reinstate
the
Mokhehle
government.
The
Leader
of
the
Basutoland
Congress
Party
and
brother
of
Ntsu
Mokhehle,
Shakhane
Mokhehle,
then
issued
a
call
for
immediate
sanctions
against
Lesotho.
▲back
to top
However,
on
Wednesday
14
September,
King
Letsie
III
backtracked,
and
did
finally
sign
the
agreement.
In
the
afternoon,
Dr
Mokhehle
issued
a
statement
from
State
House
confirming
that
his
Government
and
Parliament
were
now
fully
operational,
and
thanked
the
international
mediators
for
their
support.
Maseru
was
again
the
scene
of
celebrations,
although
the
more
thoughtful
were
conscious
of
the
instability
which
remained
as
long
as
the
army
remained
disloyal
to
its
government.
In
this
regard,
it
seemed
that
the
international
negotiating
team
had
made
some
provision
for
further
discussions,
and
informed
sources
indicated
that
there
was
likely
to
be
a
high
level
delegation
arriving
in
Maseru
from
Botswana
on
the
Friday,
including
Botswana’s
Foreign
Minister
and
two
high
ranking
members
of
the
Botswana
Defence
Force.
▲back
to top
[updated
to
30
September
1994]
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